Abstract

Citizens in developing countries, striving for social networking and knowledge in the knowledge society, have led the call for information and communication technology (ICT) accessibility. ICTs include access to personal computers, the Internet and its associated services. In Latin America one of the continent’s most successful Internet access experiences is the cabinas públicas de Internet (Peruvian telecenters). For achieving sustainable development in the technological sector of a country, a policy strategy must make use of the latest computer technologies available. Given the proliferation of cabinas in Peru, the question is posed whether government policy should provide practice or whether practice produces policy? This question is discussed with specific focus on the successful cabinas. Some government policy options are suggested by the authors.

Index terms

Information technology, Information services, Technology social factors

I.  INTRODUCTION

Citizens in developing countries, striving for social networking and knowledge in the knowledge society, have led the call for information and communication technology (ICT) accessibility. ICTs include access to personal computers (PCs), the Internet and its associated services (eg. visiting chat rooms for Internet relay chat, checking emails, reading local and international news). In developing countries, Internet cybercafés and non governmental organisations (NGOs) are flooded with young adults attempting to find computer-based services not available to them in their rural villages or urban towns and cities.

In Latin America Internet cafés (small or medium-sized enterprises with commercial goals) and the 'telecentros' (typically non profit-making and organised as NGOs or as part of communal structures) can be found [1] . One of Latin America ’s most successful Internet access experiences is the cabinas públicas de Internet (‘Peruvian telecentres’) which shows how smooth the transition between the two types may turn out and how much they can complement each other (Herzog cited in [1] ).

There is a plethora of government white papers, mission statements, strategic plans and policies which indicate a striving towards coherence in developmental policy for developing countries, and certainly so in Latin America [2] . For example, Meyer and Cloete [3] suggest that for achieving sustainable development in the technological sector of a country, a policy strategy “must make use of the latest computer technologies available”. Clearly ICTs have an important role to play in the technology sector of a developing country. The success or failure “will differ depending on the parochial context of each country” [3] . Formulating a 'correct' policy is the key to success. Getting the theory right is key to facilitating successful practice in the public sphere. The question is thus posed: What occurs with government policy if instead of providing practice, practice produces policy? In this article, this question is discussed with specific focus on the successful cabinas públicas de Internet in the developing country of Peru ,Latin America .

Our article is organised as follows: Some perspectives on Policy and Practice literature are discussed. An overview of cabinas públicas de Internet (hereinafter referred to as cabinas) in Peruis then presented. Some possible government policy options for cabinas are discussed where after a conclusion is given.

II.  SOME PERSPECTIVES ON POLICY AND PRACTICE

Policy is defined as “statement of intent” [4] . Policy defines the basic principles to be pursued in attaining specific goals. In the field of developmental planning, policy and planning have been closely associated [1] . In the developmental policy market arena, Edwards [5] suggests that the orientation is always “future positive”. Likewise Hanekom [6] remarks that all (public) policies are future oriented, usually aimed at the promotion of the general welfare of society rather than a societal group and take place within the framework of legally instituted public bodies such as government departments. Mosse [7] indicates that significant energy is devoted to generating the right policy models and the practices and events that they are expected to generate or legitimise in particular contexts. Context determines policy [8] . Policy is made in a variety of contexts, different contexts produce different policies – the national economic context is a critical contextual variant (Hofferbest, cited in [9] ). It is argued that some other variants include ICTs in the knowledge society.

In many countries, access to ICTs remains hampered by government control of the telecommunications sector [10] . To become full participants in the knowledge society, these countries will have to reform their existing policies and systems by ceding a greater role to the competitive private sector. Dorsey [10] suggests that state monopolies have resisted giving up control of basic services which has partially slowed telecommunication reform efforts in some developing countries.

An important ICT sector driver in telecentre development is market and regulatory reform. Some developing country governments have made reforms in order to encourage rural telecommunications accessibility quickly and’cheaply’. The relationship between policy and field practices has a disjuncture in that two opposing views on government development policy exist. In one case there is an instrumental view of policy which may be seen as problem-solving ie. directly shaping the way in which development is to be done in a country. In the opposing second case there is a critical view that sees policy as a rationalising initiative which may conceal the hidden purposes of bureaucratic dominance or power. Mosse [7] argues that neither of these views does justice to the complexity of policy making and its relationship to project practice. For the purpose of this article, the authors contend that policy should be viewed in both contexts.

Whilst the government of Peruis keen on achieving goals between the people and the government [11] , people are endeavouring to find new ways to conduct their business without little concern what should be the purposes of connectivity [12] . Cabinas emerged as individual commercial initiatives without initial support from the government or private sector. However, due to their prevalent success, they are increasingly attracting the interest of both [13] . However, Peruvian attitudes toward the Internet are somewhat distant from the intents of government officials – the latter attempting to synchronise their projects to an international agenda.

Peruis a country with little connection between the government and the population as social agents and it is not surprising that there is a significant problem regarding the absence of a strong relationship between government plans and actual needs [12] . This may mean that while the Peruvian government may be seeking to align its information and communication initiatives to international trends, there appears to be little concern of how the Internet has created a set of established social practices in Peru. However, the cabinas have contributed to turning a significant part of the marginalised Peruvian population from urban (as well as rural backgrounds) into regular users of the Internet [1] . Villanueva [12] indicates that the social practices created by the cabinas are defining the first step towards thinking on how to propose a set of (Peruvian government) policies for establishing a community or socially relevant use of the Internet. This then raises the question whether existing social practices will influence or shape Peruvian government policy towards ICT accessibility. For example, Facebook is widely recognised as the latest popular social networking site and used by young adults in cabinas. There is thus a need for Peruvian government policy-makers to 'tap' into those ICTs that are popular nowadays.

III.  CABINAS PÚBLICAS DE INTERNET

The first cabina was established in 1995 as an initiative of the Red Científica Peruana – the first Internet service provider in Peru. Since 1998, cabinas have spread quickly in low and middle-income districts in Lima (capital city of Peru) and in other towns (eg.  Cusco ). Cabinas are commercial and independent businesses that are established with the purpose of generating revenue to the owners [13] .

Low prices are advertised and cabinas often have a better Internet connectivity in comparison with home access. Cabinas are “extremely popular and even used by people with home access” [13] . When individual ownership of desktops and Internet access were financially not possible, cabinas have enabled lower middle class adults and many students access to ICTs. This was as a result of individual initiatives of thousands of local entrepreneurs providing ICT services that are in high demand among local customers: 'cheap' Internet access [13] . The major reason for the success of cabinas is their relative low cost, which makes them affordable to the masses [14] . The Internet cabina has enabled a new generation of Peruvians to gain accessibility which would not have been able to through the traditional methods of access. Cabinas are characterised by their low prices – an average of 15-30 U$ cents per hour – and relatively efficient connectivity [15] , while not necessarily providing support or training beyond very basic advice [16] . From recent observation and survey by the authors, some typical advertised prices of Internet access in cabinas in Lima and Cusco are reflected in Table 1.

Table 1: Some Advertised Prices of Internet Access in Cabinas in Peru

(Survey period: 21-24 June 2008)

(1 Peruvian Nuevo Sol= 0.280 U$ dollar)

Peru is among the leading nations regarding Internet access in Latin America [1] . Peruvians are proud of their cabinas - they are considered a national product and something 'typically' Peruvian - like the vicuñas[i] or the Inca kipus.[ii] Nowadays ICTs have replaced the knots with zeroes and ones and the Internet has become the alternative for the Chasqui[iii] messenger and the llamas carrying the kipus around.

The literature indicates that governments have engaged in initiatives to establish telecenters in disadvantaged regions of both the developed and developing parts of the world. However, this has not been easy since such initiatives require significant investments of funds that governments in developing countries cannot afford. The cabinas’ organisational model has evolved and adapted itself to different circumstances. The cyber-café model is significantly different from government top-down initiatives [17] . The Peruvian cabinas’ organisational model has evolved and adapted itself to different circumstances; similar services can be found elsewhere in Latin America . While the cyber-cafés do not have (or serve) coffee to the Peruvian people, they provide a place that permits the emergence of sociality as part of public life and offer a combination of computer-based services – with an emphasis on the 'cyber' in terms of functionality, effectiveness and efficiency.

The name cyber-café is a 'carry over' from the original idea which appeared some time ago (and still exists), in some developed countries. Cyber-cafés represent a model of shared access that may have relevance for easing the digital divide and which have expanded from the first cyber-café to the uncounted thousands that are reputed to exist today [18] . A typical cybercafé is composed of between five and twenty computers varying levels of Internet access eg. dial-up or broadband [19] . The cyber-café name has not been used in Peru, with cabinas being a 'carry over' from a community service for accessing telephones during the 1970s and 1980s. A cabina (booth) is a private set‑up for a payphone; community centres provided access to a number of payphones for local and long-distance calls. The cabina name was adopted due to its familiarity with the Peruvian population.

Cabinas are the result of thousands of commercial initiatives of small informal entrepreneurs and they offer other services as needed as a telefaxing, scanning, printing, photocopying, text editing, CD/DVD-writing, long-distance calls and video‑conferencing [20] . Our research indicates that the typical number of computers in a cabina ranges between 9 and 32 in Lima and between 11 and 15 in Cusco . It should be noted that these ranges are not representative of this Peruvian city and town – they are illustrative. The availability of cabinas is widespread: even in small towns in the Andes and in economically poor sectors of cities, there are places with poor connectivity but having Internet access. Access to electricity is not necessarily an impediment with portable, gasoline-run power generators being relatively common.

While the cyber café in developing countries is geared towards tourists and first-time users, the cabina and its brethren are the connectivity mechanism of choice for a number of consumers in developing countries. Cybercafés have become an important means of providing ICT accessibility to underserved people particularly in urban areas; however, they are not designed with a developmental concept in mind nor have they been used by governments to help achieve universal access requirements in the knowledge society. Shared models of ICT accessibility are very often imagined when considering ICTs for the digital divide. In contrast to personal ownership of equipment and personal access to ICT infrastructure, shared access models such as the cabinas, shift the physical, economic and social burdens of accessibility from the individual to businesses, communities and the Peruvian government. Cabinas may therefore have a significant relevance for easing the digital divide in the knowledge society.  

Another aspect to be considered regarding the availability of cabinas is their impact in education, especially primary and secondary. Rote learning, unfortunately still common in Peru’s schooling system, demands the production of small assignments repeating easy-to find information, normally provided in books or sheets of papers bought at a local store [21] . Access to the Internet changes this practice, since an aesthetically pleasing document containing standard information is 'one click away' - sometimes 'ready made' at a cabina. Although the skill required of the student is simply usage of Google, rote learning is nevertheless facilitated.  

The existence of cabinas provides for an opportunity for new forms of social interaction and social networking among young adults: gaming-only cabinas are not uncommon in cities and towns with the 'World of Warcraft' being a popular multi-player online role‑playing game with young adults. Engaging in local gameplay video championships is becoming a preferred lifestyle of entertainment. With the popularity of mobile phones, the combination of a variety of new media experiences is changing the style and speed of popular culture among the young adults. This in turn will spawn new business opportunities, alter accepted behavioural patterns at homes and in schools - resulting in social norm challenges.

There is a need to approach cabinas and turn them into agents working for their own benefit as well as for the common good [12]. This may require appropriate government policies. For example, a national policy of cabina rollout requirements for unserved and underserved areas in Perucould be considered. Cabinas emerged as individual commercial initiatives without initial support from the government. The government approach to universal access in Peruvian cities has been basically regulating competition in the telecommunications sector [13] , [22] . Only quite recently has the Peruvian government begun to pay attention to cabinas because of the visible interest of the population in cabinas. The Peruvian government has approved legislation to regulate the functioning of cabinas. Some groups are demanding better services, facilities and a stronger leading role in the telecommunications sector from the side of the government [17] . Such services also include call centres stationed inside the cabinas.

Cabinas grew out of individual decisions driven by the promise of business (or commercial) profit. Notwithstanding this situation, there have been cases in which cabinas have been understood as a good practice and a model. This mistake arises from assuming that the original intention for a cabina to be a solid, social-developmental driven performer was successful. In fact, the converse is true with whatever cabinas successes having been achieved by economic market forces and public interest. Policy is non‑existent but its absence leaves a void that does not look 'natural'. Mosse [7] argues that policy is an end rather than a case; a result, often a fragile one, of social processes. Given this scenario, in respect of cabinas, there appears a need for developmental policies to be formulated by the Peruvian government. Some possible government policy options for cabinas are now discussed.

IV. SOME POLICY OPTIONS

Theories of policy and policy-making have been closely associated with political ideologies in which political values play a role [23]. In order to deal with the Peruvian Internet (i.e. cabinas) in terms of the Peruvian government’s developmental policy, Villanueva [12] suggests three possible approaches:

• To engage with the cabinas, anchoring them in the communities, mostly through specific services, training and content;

• To create a parallel access infrastructure, centered on community building when possible, or in government services, or a combination of both; and

• To leave things as they are now, letting the business (or commercial) market work its magic.  

In respect of the third approach, de Coning and Cloete [23] suggest that a government following this (liberal laissez-faire) approach should “leave things alone” to be determined by “the market” or “by public choice”.

A new, recent development indicates a possible different approach: Peruhas decided to develop a significant rural infrastructure for Internet accessibility, with public financing for satellite downlinks and local services. At the same time, the country is participating in the One Laptop per Child initiative (purchasing some 290,000 PCs between late 2007 and 2008), to be distributed mostly to young adults at rural schools. This presents a new avenue for policy, since it bypasses the existing infrastructure, created through the cabinas, and sets a clear new policy direction - though one that favours a specific sector of the Peruvian population while leaving the remainder of the population under the’old’, default policy of ICT accessibility through private connectivity umbrella framework [24] . Taking into consideration that there is no integrated, national policy about using computers at the school, especially for secondary-level education, and that the private schooling sector is developing its own answers to the demands of the Internet age, there is a significant series of questions to be addressed by policy-makers. This should be noted especially when considering the appropriate business skills that a younger generation of Peruvians will have to possess to meet the growing economic performance of Peru.

Appropriate regulatory frameworks establishing the 'rules of the game' for the cabinas are essential to ensure that they are designed and implemented effectively to carry out their fundamental role as tools of social development in Peru. Such a framework can also provide an environment that encourages private sector participation as well as cross-sectoral linkages. Thus there is a need for the Peruvian government to establish a clear national strategy which addresses issues of concern while developing its policy framework model parameters. Policy framework models and policy implementation studies also provide important areas for research.

Policy implementation studies, predominantly in the form of documented case studies, are commonly referred to as the 'information gap'. Mosse [7] suggests that projects work because they sustain policy models offering a significant interpretation of events, not because they turn policy into reality. The gap between policy and practice is thus negotiated away. In the case of cabinas, the balance is perhaps ambivalent.

V.  CONCLUDING REMARKS

Traditional café’s have long been recognised as 'social places' for conversation and general conviviality within communities [25] . The Peruvian Internet has now become a significant component of social networking in Peru’s public sphere. Given the knowledge society and cabinas’ existing social practices, these should provide meaningful input towards Peru’s national strategy policy for universal Internet services so that community needs are harmonised in the public sphere. Similarly such existing social practices should be used when formulating Peru’s developmental policies. Peruvian government policy-makers have an important role in promoting ICTs in the country’s technological sector and for the knowledge society. This will serve to ensure that existing social practices within the cabinas context may serve to ease the digital divide.

ACKNOWLEDGEMENT

An earlier version of this article appeared in Information for Development (i4d), ISSN 0972-804X, vol. 6, no. 4, pp. 35-36, Noida, India, April 2008.

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