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Volume 20, No. 1, February 2010
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Failures in Technological Intervention and the Promise of ICT
Peter A. Kwaku Kyem Department of Geography, Central Connecticut State University, New Britain, Connecticut, USA
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Abstract Introduction Unlike
previous engines of economic development (i.e. factories, industry,
etc.) whose influences were limited to urban enclaves in the developing
world, beneficial impacts of ICT tools can reach anywhere via wireless
networks without an expensive landline infrastructure and with little
capital outlay. As a result, tools such as the mobile phone provide a
special advantage to many people in developing countries who have in the
past been excluded from the means of economic advancement. While market
solutions have not proven to be useful for redistributing economic
rewards fairly between urban and rural dwellers in these countries, the
unique openness of information technology could reverse this trend and
spread economic benefits around (Attali 1997). The social and economic
dividends of ICT adoption are therefore very high in developing
countries partly because wireless networks expand interactivity between
rural and urban locations to spread economic benefits to communities in
the hinterlands. ICT can therefore be an enabling tool for meeting many
of the development challenges that face low income countries of the
world (Chacko, 2005). On
the other hand, the ICT technology is certainly insufficient when simply
deployed under the status quo mix of policies without engaging the
important set of complementary social behaviors and structures within
the communities to support its adoption and sustained applications. For
low income countries that are attempting to develop with ICT, successful
deployment of the technology requires a rejection of the mainstream
rationality that has dominated economic development policy since the
last century. Instead
reliance on locally creative and developmentalist policies that closely
resemble strategies that the Western developed nations adopted, when
they themselves were trying to industrialize, would be beneficial.(Chang,
2007; Haque, 1999). Why
Technological Intervention Fails in Developing Countries The adoption and use of a new technology causes disruptions in the socio-cultural system of a nation and induces a change from established practices to distinctly different and complex forms of social practice. The deployment of ICT into the predominantly traditional societies of developing countries is therefore very disruptive. In view of this, a seamless integration of both the technical and socio-cultural systems of societies where technology transfer takes place is necessary for a thriving ICT deployment. Unfortunately, technological transfer to developing countries is driven by a perspective that is based on the development experience of Western industrialized nations. Under this Eurocentric rationality, progress in technological adoption in the poor countries is measured by the capacities of the poor countries to absorb and replicate practices that have already occurred in Western industrialized nations (Servaes & Malikhao, 2002). Even though this rationality conveys only one particular set of values, it still dominates over other forms of rationality pursued in all development projects that occur in low income countries (Avgerou, 2000). While
this rationality has been instrumental in the definition of
technological and economic development problems in the poor countries,
and the solutions to those problems, it has been unsuccessful in
streamlining people’s behavior towards the achievement of such
solutions (Avgerou, 2000). The failure to mobilize behavior in support
of technological innovation is partly due to the fact that sociocultural
systems in Western Industrialized nations and the developing countries
are different with respect to the degree to which they tamper economic
productivity and efficiency with social values. The rationality of the
mainstream development model is at variance with traditional values and
belief systems in the communities where reciprocative and redistributive
rationality displayed in beliefs such as mutual responsibility,
solidarity among groups and common welfare of group members prevail over
competition and the freedom of enterprise to accumulate capital (Corea,
2000). Consequently, attempts to improve the living conditions of the
people by deploying technology via this economic rationality take on new
meanings. As a result, the technology transfer process generates mainly
negative reactions from the people. The resistance occurs because the
new incompatible arrangements that accompany the deployment of
technology threatens entrenched interests, local power structures and
ingrained ways of doing things in the society (Avgerou, 2001; Madon,
1993). Shoib and Nandhakumar (2003) have observed that the resistance which results from the clash of rationalities results in two main courses of action. First, it sparks off frantic calls from supporters of the mainstream rationality to change the local systems of values and reasoning and rather adopt the Western rationality which is conducive to technological adoption and modernization. This approach proves to be sustainable only among a small section of the society such as the rich and educated found mainly in urban areas. The majority of the people reject the economic rationality and ultimately the inconsistency between the rationale for transferring the technology and the rationality derived from historically evolved local systems of values leads to the abandonment of the project. Avgerou, (2000:1) has observed that often when this happens, the communities are erroneously labeled “as problematic hosts of technology” on the grounds that they do not only lack the economic resources and the capabilities to develop and deploy modern infrastructure, but that they also do not to make good use of technology transfer and adoption. Second, resistance to the technological project leads to demands from critics for the withdrawal of the technology on the justification that it is the product of Western rationality which is inappropriate for the people in developing countries. The
viewpoint which discards ICT altogether as irrelevant or inappropriate
for adoption in developing countries is misguided because the idea
conveys the critique of ICT as inherently serving one particular system
of values and hence bound to perpetuate the subjugation of other
identities (Shoib and Nandhakumar, 2003). We know today that
technology is not only constituted within its social milieu but it has
also proved to be shapeable and capable of serving radically different
ends including social control and surveillance, or emancipation and
empowerment (Corea, 2000). Thus, in response to the assertion that some
cultures are incapable of economic development, Chang (2007), a Harvard
Economist, has explained that not too long ago, the Germans were
considered to be corrupt and the Japanese people were said to be lazy
(terms that are used today to describe people in developing countries).
The author explains that after the countries attained economic
development nobody considers the Japanese to be lazy or the Germans to
be corrupt. Chan therefore argues that culture is not a determinant of
economic development (as it is often written of cultures in
underdeveloped countries), but it is economic development which alters
culture (ibid). Another
recurring feature of technological failures in developing countries is a
flaw in the methodology for implementing technology projects in the
region. The rationality for transferring technology to the poor
countries makes no room for changes in the culture and human behaviors
that will support the long term adoption and applications of the
technology. On the other hand, we find in technologically advanced
societies that the culture of the people embodies sets of behaviors that
propel society towards continuous technological innovation and
increasing economic output. The behavior involves a learning and problem
solving orientation which manifests itself in a willingness to solve
problems using ingenious means and whatever resources are available for
the sake of improvement and anticipated rewards (Corea, 2007).
Conversely, stagnation occurs in cultural systems (such as those in
developing countries) that are not geared towards technological
innovation for behavior that produces continuous change is not being
generated (ibid). However, this lack of innovation is not a reflection
of the failures of the people that compose the social system but rather,
a failure of the architecture of the social system itself in not
producing behavior that is conducive to technological adoption (Goulet,
1971). For example, through sustained and growing subscription to mobile
phones and wireless networks, citizens of many developing countries have
aptly demonstrated that they are capable of engaging in behaviors that
are supportive of technological adoption. What’s missing is leadership
and the courage to design and implement changes in the critical aspects
of the social milieu to generate the learning of behaviors that support
technological innovation. Thus,
whereas significant potentials exist for the adoption and use of ICT for
development in developing countries, the ability to manage the
transition from adoption to applications and the realization of the
potential benefits is vital for a successful outcome. An important
challenge for the deployment of ICT in the low income countries
therefore is the need to study the reinvention of traditional social
systems to generate behaviors that will facilitate sustained
technological innovation. The long term nurturing of attitudes and
behavior that intrinsically motivate citizens of developing countries to
engage technology permanently is therefore a much more important issue
to be addressed in ICT adoption than the large scale implementation of
costly ICT projects that will immediately be rendered obsolete through
structurally-induced inertia (Madon, 1993). It is therefore important
for the low income countries that are presently characterized by slowly
changing cultural systems to generate sets of learning behaviors that
are aimed at continuous innovation since that will in the long run
materialize in the use of advanced technologies and the qualitative
refinements in life expected from advances in technology (Corea, 2000). Additionally,
domestic markets of developing countries include large numbers of people
with significantly low disposable incomes such that the responses to
opportunities offered by ICT are often recorded more in social uses than
direct economic applications of the technology (OECD, 2003). It is
however important to mention that factors that inhibit ICT deployment
for economic development in developing countries do not suggest that ICT
investment will not happen, or that benefits in economic productivity
and human welfare will not occur in these countries. Rather, investments
in ICT and resulting economic benefits will take longer to materialize
in the developing world than it will do in technologically advanced
nations such as USA and Japan or even in transitional economies such as
Brazil and India (OECD, 2003). Measuring the initial success of ICT
deployment in developing countries should not therefore be based solely
on rates of economic growth but also, on progressive enhancements to the
social and overall well being of the people. Cultivating
Favorable Environments for Effective Deployment of ICT The
cultural systems in developing countries of the world are often
erroneously dismissed as unimportant and hence neglected in efforts to
transfer technology into the region. However, the local culture is one
unique institution which strongly determines which development
intervention will succeed and which will fail (Mitchell, 2003). As
explained earlier, the discounting of the historically-evolved systems
of values and reasoning within technology-adopting low income countries
has been a major contributing factor to the failures in technological
innovation that occur in the region. This is because the socio-cultural
system influences not only the capability to create socially fitting
ways for using technology but also, the ability to manage their
integration into work processes and human activities (Davenport, 1993;
Porter, 1990). Culture dictates the initial uses of technology and also
determines the types of usage and whether a technology such as ICT may
be mainly used for social or economic activities. Even though ICT tools
are known to easily incorporate multiple uses and different modes of
organization because of their reflexivity and mobility that allow for
diverse applications, the tools do not create jobs by themselves. By
their nature, ICT tools must necessarily be incorporated into day-to-day
economic and social lives of the people and be actively used for their
development potentials to be fully realized. Users must therefore be
engaged in some form of activity and then make elaborate plans to take
advantage of capabilities of the technology to network their businesses
and social tasks. In industrialized nations with long traditions of
technological innovation, the choices and uses of technology are
influenced mainly by economic factors such as the drive for profits,
capital accumulation and increased market shares. On the other hand, in
developing countries where industrial production is low and economic
activities involve very low applications of technology, specific plans
need to be put in place to redirect and steer the applications of
technology into productive ventures. In the absence of such guiding
plans, ICT tools (e.g. mobile phone) are used to confirm and/or promote
existing socio-cultural practices that sometimes contribute very little
to national economic development. It
is therefore important for developing countries whose citizens have
already embarked on mass subscription to such ICT tools as mobile
phones, to develop competencies from their cultures to guide and
redirect the applications of the technology into viable and productive
activities. In this regard, Bunker (2001) has identified some of these
competencies that may be adopted to direct applications of ICT into
economically viable ventures. The first competency is related to the
ability to envision new products, new services or new functions from a
consideration of the potential capabilities of the available ICT tools.
The recognition of potentially new uses of the tools could result from a
search for technological solutions to existing problems, or the
exploration of new problems with the tools (Hammer & Champy, 1993).
An example of this is the use of mobile phones in mobile banking to
expedite money transfer from urban to rural areas. The second competency
involves the ability to identify the potential capability of the
available ICT tools for improving existing production, packaging or
marketing practices in the community. For example, mobile phones can be
used to relay daily retail prices of goods sold in urban areas to small
scale producers in rural areas to enhance the profits of producers. The
third competency depends on the ability to recognize the potentials for
need-driven satisfaction or new demands among consumers, and figure out
ways that ICT capabilities can be developed to support or fulfill such
potentially new demands. Equally important is the competency which is
indispensable to the previous three and entails the ability to
skillfully manage and bring about changes in practices of production or
packaging, and corresponding changes in the functionality of ICT tools,
to achieve the expected improvements. Designing
the competencies from local culture and belief systems requires (a) the
ability to recognize potential new applications of information
technology and (b) the capability to mobilize and manage human resources
to achieve the desired uses and the transformations in human behavior
that will support and sustain those uses. In this enterprise, education
is important because those charged with the duty to examine local
practices and develop new uses for ICT will need to open up to new ideas
and then reframe the values and traditions in society to match
capabilities of the new technology (Bunker, 2001). Incentive schemes
would also serve to enlist commitment to the technological adoption as
well as sustain the motivation to change the behavior of potential
consumers following the technological adoption (Ciborra, 1999). The
competencies can emerge from grassroots experimentation or may result
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