[This case study sketches the results of the Ph.D. thesis “Technological Knowledge Transfer in Least Developed Countries with a View to Intercultural Awareness” that was carried out by Raphael Schneeberger in the years 2002 and 2003 and supported by an Austrian non-governmental organization. It investigates a computer project at a primary school in South-West Uganda. 300 people were taught the basics of computing. It draws upon the methodological stance of objective hermeneutics (Oevermann, 2002) and Witzel’s problem-centered analysis (Witzel, 1985).]

Introduction

This article was meant to present results of my Ph.D. thesis. However, a recent e-mail, changed the situation and instead I will focus on the image of computers and associated expectations (with special emphasis on the aspect of power and influence) among computer skilled people and teachers. Everyday, like many people, I receive a bunch of e-mails promoting humorous PowerPoint presentations, jokes, and entertaining video clips. Just a couple of days ago I got a link to a video clip.[1]

The video is a self-promoting clip by a roughly 25-year-old male Russian actor who wants to become an actor in the US. He recorded himself with a web cam and attempts to convince his audience (the Internet) to give him the chance as an actor in US. He directly addresses production companies and claims his high potential and ability to play side by side with celebrities like Brad Pitt. His main motive is to “escape” from the poverty of his small Russian village and become wealthy. He asks his audience (the “Americans”) to send him money for a flight ticket out of Russia. Watching this clip amuses and saddens me at the same time. Most likely this URL was on the link list as we consider such wishes and application as abstruse and therefore we get entertained by it (pure speculation…).

From a superficial point of view, one might claim that there are plenty of such contributions on the WWW, and most of us probably would probably call this video some sort of “clumsy application video”. If we judge this video message as an authentic application (and even if it is a hoax - it does not matter), we should think about how this young Russian used technology and what his expectations towards this technology (and towards Americans) are. What does this man expect from his computer and from the Internet? Obviously, he utilizes the technology to pursue his dream of becoming famous and to earn money. The computer and the Internet do not only enable his application, but he chooses these technologies as a first step to realize his dreams (he has high aims, does not only want to play in a B-grade movie, but in a block-buster). His expectations of technology (computer and the Internet are more and more often perceived as a unity) are high. To make a long story short: One reason for the creation of this clip might be the expectation that by publishing it on the Internet, it can “make one famous” and “help to earn money”.

However, phrases like these are not unique to this young Russian, but are real quotes from Ugandan interviewees who participated in a research project focused on people’s expectations of computers - 4500 km south-west of the Russian border.

The Ugandan Case study

In the years 2002 and 2003, a research project was conducted among 300 people at a primary school in South-West Uganda by an Austrian non-governmental organization. It investigated a computer project, which involved installation of a computer room, establishment of a functioning computer network and computer education of 300 people (school children, teachers and non-teaching staff). The study focused on “computers”, as during the teaching periods it became apparent that the locals had different expectations towards computers than the Austrian instructors did. Consequently, 28 participants were interviewed to gain information on the integration of computers into their daily lives and its social function in the local environment. I, as the researcher took up several different roles (interviewer, teacher, colleague and donor) within the social environment. I draw upon the methodological stance of objective hermeneutics and Witzel’s problem-centered analysis.

Image and Expectations of a Computer

We investigated the local perception of computers (including the Internet) during this research and showed that a distorted image of computers exists mainly due to diffused information. Our study indicates that different user experiences, rumors and daily gossip lead to a - at least regional - concept of a computer as a “strange behaving”, “human-like”, “machine full of knowledge” (orig. “ebyoma kalimagezi”). Beyond that, a computer is also empowering as it can “set one free [as] they do everything you want” (p.178). The respondents present a computer as something very powerful, something that “knows everything” and which allows you to control airplanes, communicate with whom you ever want to as well. Furthermore, a computer is associated with (positive and desired) development. Consequently, a computer knowledgeable person becomes - at least for the time of using and communicating via a computer - developed. A computer is presented as something desirable and “more developed” and “brings you to the modern world”: “[…] Globalization you are part of the bigger world in a moment if you have e-mail you communicate with someone very far and [...]” (p.182). This leads to a strong desire of using the humanlike machine. A computer is nicknamed as a “DO-IT-ALL”, which clearly presents the underlying expectation towards a computer - namely to be capable of doing everything.

The study also reveals that the participants expect some benefits of communicating with others, but in fact had not perceived so by themselves[2]. Two participants define certain applications of communication. One states: “if you can want you can send an e-mail and you get a more better computer”. This statement explicitly induces the expectation correlated to the possibility of communication: to benefit financially. The second informant explains that his expectation is to be supported in his job, while working as a designer in a worldwide network. Even though this interviewee has a precise concept on how he intends to benefit from communication, it is again motivated financially.

Besides an increased financial benefit by “communicating” via the Internet, the participants expect better job and business opportunities through computer knowledge. Our analysis showed that the major expected benefit of being computer-skilled was to earn (more) money in an improved job, although no one had directly benefited themselves yet. Both adults and pupils hope to improve their living standard by using their computer skills and have high expectations. It turns out that by the acquisition of computer knowledge one becomes powerful him/herself. Someone who knows how to use the machine gains social status. This is not only based on this image but also on statistics which show that within this area the highest increase of income is among those who have access to electricity [UBOS, 2004].

Consequently, the desire to acquire computer knowledge is high, most likely driven by vague concepts linked to realization of own dreams. The study shows up that the benefit of an achieved certificate is more real than benefits through the personal usage of a computer. It seems as if being considered as “computer knowledgeable” implies an increase in social status. This is supported by the outcome that within the regional socio-cultural context, being qualified as a computer teacher means to be associated with the term “developed”, to be privileged as compared to those who do not know how to use a computer.

Technological Knowledge Transfer

The core issue of the study deals with the question of how technological knowledge transfer can be performed successfully. In reference to above indications the study reveals a sort of a dead lock situation.

Obviously, in this scenario, knowledge transfer is intimately linked to the people who teach computers skills. The study carves out two different teacher groups, the Austrian teachers and the local Ugandan ones. While the Austrian teachers preferred student-centred teaching methods, the Ugandan teachers focused on traditional (colonialistic) teacher-centred methods.

The thesis reveals that…

The applied explorative way of teaching computers was untypical, regarding the cultural expectations towards technology control and the manifested hierarchic positions. This causes a cultural break, which was welcomed on the one hand, but not internalized on the other hand. Lack of teaching methods or of technical skills among local computer teachers are possible factors as well.

The study shows that the cultural expectation towards gaining control over technology, such as computers, was seen as to be represented in a non-explorative way of teaching. This expectation is based on the assumption that a computer as a technological device has at first to be studied theoretically and secondly to be used practically, which represents the new (!) way of education which had been introduced by the colonial powers. This had replaced the indigenous form of education. The external Austrian teachers applied explorative student-centered teaching methods and thus caused a cultural break. In addition to that, the strong hierarchic position of teachers and parents hinder the students’ eagerness to explore new technology on their own. They have to expect different forms of (negative) sanctions, when mistakes are made.

Knowledge transfer is further influenced by other issues besides economical constraints (e.g. maintenance costs), physical access to computers and appropriate power supply: the willingness of local computer teachers, the “knowledge-keeper”, to transfer his/her knowledge. Being computer skilled means being powerful and a successful technological knowledge transfer implies the readiness to accept a certain loss of power. In fact, the fear/unwillingness of losing their gained status might be the most preventive factor of changing their way of teaching and consequently passing on computer knowledge in a more successful way.

The research identifies two distinct teacher groups: For reasons of simplicity, one might name them by their geographic origin the "Austrian Teachers (ATs)" and the “Local Computer Teachers (LCTs)”. But at a closer look they, besides their different technical skills, teaching methodology and cultural background, distinguish themselves by one further fact: the time spent within the cultural environment. Generally spoken, ATs are teachers who participate only temporarily in computer teaching and therefore are more willing to accept loss of power, as it would be just temporary. However, such teachers are always ignorant when it comes to the local culture (and language) and are not necessarily aware of (local) appropriate teaching methodologies. It can also not be taken for granted that their technical know-how is adequate to teach computer skills[3]. To my understanding local cultural knowledge takes more time to be acquired than new teaching methodologies and the mandatory intercultural awareness as a cultural broker (between computers and ones own inscribed culture). These teaching methodologies are not supposed to replace other ones, but extend the pool of applicable ways of transferring knowledge.

In contrast, LCTs (the second group) are available on a long term basis, and as discussed above, might not be motivated and able to pass on computer knowledge properly due to lack of adequate teaching methodologies. They have internalized the local ways of approaching technologies and possibly fear of loss of status. The case study further reports that instead of sharing their computer knowledge, some LCTs from the involved school left school to seek better-paid jobs.

This form of local brain drain counteracts the expected and wished multiplier effect; namely that educated people in small towns help their countrymen to profit from the technology as well. Even extra payments by the school could not prevent these people from leaving the place to look for better-paid jobs. The chosen way of the involved school to enable their existing staff to become computer teachers, can also be a successful attempt to refrain their computer teachers from leaving the school. Nevertheless, this should be kept in mind as a possibility, but has to be watched for a longer period of time if this poses a real opportunity. Consequently, there is a demand to develop and find benefits for local computer teachers in order to increase their willingness to take up the role of a “cultural broker” (Aikenhead, 2002). This concept seems to be a promising scenario to transfer ICT knowledge successfully. A teacher who takes up the role of a cultural broker applies his/her mother tongue, draws upon a variety of teaching methods and is highly skilled. He is aware of the student’s underlying world views, “regionally used teaching methods/habits”, “ways of sanctions”, use and status of “local language”, the social role of “involved institutions”, and draws upon knowledge on regional historical and cultural specifics. He/she sees himself/herself more in the role as a facilitator, than solely as a teacher.

Nel and Wilkinson (2001) ask for a “refreshed” awareness of IT teachers in the nature and extent of the social, economical and cultural problems of students in least developed countries (LDCs). They figured out seven critical issues for the transfer of ICT in LDCs. In a period of orientation, students should spend enough time to get acquainted with the basics of a computer keyboard, mouse and its usage. Too little time to do the practical work was found to pose a problem. Nel and Wilkinson also claimed to have investigated the possibility of alternative teaching methods such as co-operative learning in theoretical as well as practical use and to take into account possible language problems of students. Due to the fact that few students own computers (have access), the research emphasizes sufficient open-lab times regarding arising accommodation, transport and financial problems. The latter problems turned out to be quite relevant as they prevented students from doing extra lessons in the computer lab. The study also identified that assessment techniques need to be revisited; assessment should be continuous, with tests in line with what has been done in classes. Finally, feedback given by students to their lecturers is identified as being important to improve and adapt lessons and specific teaching methods.

To put the findings of my thesis in relation to this important case study I implicate the emerged aspect of power of computer knowledge to these issues as follows:

• The first issue claims that for an advanced awareness of IT teachers to the nature and extent of social, economical and cultural problems of students in LDCs, it is necessary for IT teachers to become cultural brokers. Mainly those who deal with literature on science teaching promote the concept of cultural brokers. Any human-computer interaction (HCI) represents an intercultural one and the applied concept of a cultural broker becomes inevitable to avoid computer related interventions from becoming another sign of cultural hegemony.

• The high image of a computer and of computer knowledge is obviously associated with high expectations. Together with the fear of damaging the technology, these issues are, according to Nel and Wilkinson, supposed to be addressed in a period of orientation. When the South African authors call for an informal discussion of fears, expectations and what a computer can and cannot do, this argues for a computer teacher, who addresses these issues in a trusted environment. Such teachers have to refrain from their current strong hierarchical positions and have to be able to discuss critical issues frankly. Thereby, negative (unexpected) experiences can be avoided and trust in the technology established. A planned intervention always implies cultural changes and by placing some computers in a certain place, new situations and demands emerge. In my opinion, it would be good, and someone might call it “fair”, to address upcoming problems and risks of the technology instead of promoting a panacea. Such problems can be health-related and can increase financial effort required to maintain a lab. This includes not only costs for power and physical maintenance, but also costs for personnel and specialists.

• Another issue in our case, which is also addressed by Nel and Wilkinson, is the obvious necessity to change existing teaching methods. The teacher-centred way of teaching was a point of criticism from the participants towards their experiences with the LCTs. This case study shows that the practical, student-orientated way of teaching was definitely preferred by the participants. It seems as if their own exploration of technology and the practical usage of a computer are more helpful to the students than theoretical, abstract studies. Obviously, and in accordance with the major stance in literature, the underlying concepts of a computer are too complex to be learned by heart and are internalized in a better way, if they are experienced throughout practical usage (“learn by doing”).

• Language related difficulties are also among these seven points. Instructing computer skills in one’s mother tongue might be the most promising way of avoiding misunderstandings. Technical terms have to be explicated anyway, but even in everyday communication misunderstandings become manifest. If someone teaches in his mother tongue he/she can definitely explain certain terms more precisely. Unfortunately, two problems for this case study arise: First, a political one, refers to the fact that English is the official language of teaching/education. This brings educational issues into foreground and highlights the necessity of considering teaching in local language. Nationwide institutions and ministries for education are in demand to reconsider these issues.

The second problem draws upon the fact that the investigated school is a boarding school and not all pupils are members of local ethnic groups and thus are not familiar with local languages. Thus, teaching in English seems inevitable in certain situations. Nevertheless I recommend reconsidering the paradigm of teaching computer skills in English if possible (e.g. in local training institutions). This might interfere with the willingness of teachers to negotiate ways of teaching with the students, which once more implies a loss of power.

• Physical access is the basis for the development and acquisition of computer knowledge. Lack of usage, due to limited time (spare time in case of the teachers) poses a barrier to the integration of computers into the interview participants’ everyday life. In contrast to Nel and Wilkinson, financial and transportation issues were of minor importance in our study. The computer lab is placed within the school’s compound and the school maintains the lab by financial contributions from the pupils’ parents. Discussing the access issue means also thinking about unequal access among different social actors. This clearly shows that computers are instrumentalized as means of power. The expected future development that income increases mainly among those who are connected to electricity and who live in towns nourishes the assumption that computer interventions promote the digital divide. At least this could be dampened if computers were accessible to everyone (the public) for free, and not only to privileged social actors. Though, many smaller interventions are mainly based on personal relationships between donors and “recipients”, as for example clerical institutions are. This means that interventions are dedicated to certain closed groups. These “recipients” not only have to take responsibility for maintenance of the equipment, but also for managing the donation. This was also the case in our study. Beside others, a (quite reasonable) argument why the school did not make the computer lab publicly accessible seems to be the fear of losing the technology through its break down and the lack of qualified LCTs who could take care of the equipment.

• Obviously, it is inevitable to assess the success of teaching explicitly. Both studies (Nel and Wilkinson’s and ours) have identified the need for revisiting evaluation techniques. Nel and Wilkinson promote assessment techniques of co-operative learning methods. The Ugandan case study shows that explicit tests should be made to increase the students’ self-confidence in approaching the technology. Thereby, the students develop a feeling of having covered instructed topics as a whole. The (latent) implicit testing by the ATs was not perceived as a way of testing at all - at least in our study. Colonial methods of testing are expected, as the announcement of an exam or the issuing of a certificate, if a topic is covered adequately.

• The encouraged feedback given by students to their teachers in order to improve and adapt their lessons seems to be reasonable. The strong hierarchical teacher-pupil relationship, which is not only manifested by the ex cathedra teaching method, but also by different forms of punishment, be it corporal or financial, might hamper this. This may not only further bias feedbacks, but also the revealed poor qualification of the computer teachers. But how will a computer teacher react if someone asked him/her to teach something new instead of last year’s topics?

These facts clearly demonstrate that the success of technology transfer remains to a large extent in the hands of the computer teachers. Nel and Wilkinson have revealed exactly those issues which are dominant in the investigated intervention as well, but fail to discuss aspects of power of computer teachers.

Outlook

To broaden the results of this case study and of those incorporated, further case studies examining computer school initiatives are needed. This would allow for comparative analysis of the results in relation to existing concepts on how power is reconstructed and negotiated through the integration of computers among social/educational levels e.g. primary pupils in different countries. Thereby, the focus should be on the role of computer teachers:

What kind of benefits can be offered to them (by whom?) to remain local?

• Do computer-skilled children change the form of education by telling their parents what to do? Who can take up such a role?

• Can the creation of a nationwide computer certification institution pose a useful solution? Further case studies should focus on the underlying and present expectations towards computers and what circumstances are necessary to make computer labs accessible to the public.

• What kind of interventional structures are necessary to grant computer access to all people?

Finally, I am convinced, that it is not a researcher’s or donor’s task to decide if computer interventions are useful or not. In fact, it is more important to raise awareness of possible implications and risks, and also promising approaches applying to the underlying circumstances. It is up to ones own ethical reasoning if he/she is willing to support other people in disadvantaged countries, who have the demand (and right) to utilize a technology, which is supposed to improve their living circumstances, be it financially or mentally. Why should we not support all people to have a try like the young Russian, perhaps one will succeed in it one day?

References

• Aikenhead, G. (2002). Cross-cultural science teaching: Rekindling traditions for aboriginal students. Canadian Journal of Science, Math and Technology Education, 2(3), 287-304.

• Nel, G. & Wilkinson, L. (2001). Where is the “Any key”, Sir? Experiences of an African Teacher-To-Be. In Proceedings of Society for Information Technology and Teacher Education (SITE) International Conference 2001.

• Oevermann, U. (2002). Klinische Soziologie auf der Basis der Methodologie der objektiven Hermeneutik - Manifest der objektiv hermeneutischen Sozialforschung. Retrieved July 21, 2006, from http://www.ihsk.de/publikationen/manifest.pdf.

• Uganda Bureau of Statistics (2004). Uganda bureau of statistics. Retrieved January 9, 2004, from http://www.ubos.org.

• Witzel, A. (1985). Das problemzentrierte interview. Qualitative Forschung in der Psychologie (pp. 227-253). Bertz. Weinheim und Basel.

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